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that we're fighting today as in iraq, as in afghanistan. that in the end the resolution of that have of this will be a political matter and you say that's wrong. the first order of business and winning the war is to kill the enemy fighters. very forthright statement but one that does go against the grain and i'd ask you to look at afghanistan today and assess whether you think that approach of killing enemy fighters is going to lead us to something that's going to be called a military solution? >> yes i do, but i'm not saying the military solution is the only part of the solution that matters. there has to be that military solution. there has to be the imposition of the mind in the enemy that you're going to get killed if you go up against the americans. and i think that's what's happening in afghanistan now. there's something of this in the -- in iraq in the awakening of the sunnis to the west of the country, the idea that this was a tribal battle but the americans turned out to be the strongest tribe and that's something that's being defined by the others and, of course, that is in
's no military solutions to the conflicts we are fighting today as a in iraq and afghanistan, but in the end of the revolution of this will be a political matter and you say that's wrong. the first order of business and winning a war mecca's to kill the enemy fighters. a very forthright statement but one that does go against the grain, and i would ask you to forget afghanistan today and assess whether you think that approach of the enemy fighters is going to lead to something that can be called a military solution. >> guest: yes i do but i'm not saying the military solution is the only sort of resolution that matters. there has to be that a military solution. there has to be the position of the mind in the enemy you're going to get killed if you go up against the americans. there was something of this in iraq in the awakening to the rest of the country the idea this is a tribal battle but they turn out to be. i think it is now being impress upon the various elements of the taliban and others. but of course in the conflict of building, helping, developing projects going on designed to do one
. they are concentrated, concentrated in the area of american occupation, especially afghanistan, especially iraq, and increasingly the spillover of afghanistan into pakistan is causing huge number of attacks there. and so what's been occurring is not just a large number of suicide attacks, but a large number of anti-american inspired suicide attacks. >> besides the obvious policy of pulling out is there another policy? >> absolutely. because pulling out simply abandons our interest, ignores our interest. with this book suggest is a middleground policy called offshore balancing. offshore balancing continues to pursue our core security interests and obligations in overseas regions, but does so with over the horizon air power, naval power, intelligence assets, relies on economic assets and political tools. and this is the core policy that we pursue as the united states is for decades the major regions of the world such as the middle east with great success. and we should return to this policy. >> can you give a specific about how we pursue this policy in the middle east? >> in the 1970s and '80s th
about nation building, failed states, afghanistan, iraq, somalia, iraq, haiti, the foreign policy challenges that we've faced weapon have the illusion which i would call the problem of getting to denmark. denmark is in quotations. it's not a real country. it's the mythical place that have low corruption, democracy, stable government, good services delivered very efficiently and so forth. we have the vision of denmark in the back of our heads and go to a place like afghanistan. how are we going to get afghanistan to look like denmark? and it doesn't work very well. and part of the reason that i began to realize was that we don't understand how denmark got to be denmark. i had a visiting professorship, so i've been going. most danes have no idea how denmark got to be denmark. it struck me as a political scientist, this ought to be a book you can go to to say where did political institutions come from. i didn't see one. so i decided to write it. that's why we get the book that i've produced. so i also did not want to write a book on the origins of politics that told this traditional
it illegal for women to attend to school in afghanistan. while this particular policy was discarded in 2001, similar deplorable circumstances still exist in afghanistan and around the world. the limitations and implications of existing education systems are far-reaching. yet there are concrete steps that can correct the damaging nature of existing education systems or the lack thereof. any institutions with international jurisdiction can and must institute global education programs including early childhood and vocational programs. early childhood education such aspiration head start provides comprehensive health, education and parent involvement to low-incomed families in the united states. vocational education is a further means of empowerment. by powering the technical skills and training to make individuals valuable members of the work force, such educational programs can also be recognized for their economic value. early childhood education as well as vocational training and educational opportunities are all viable in empowering programs that must be instituted in a global context. edu
for women to attend school in afghanistan. of this particular policy was discarded in 2001, similar deplorable circumstances still exists in afghanistan and around the world. the limitations and implications of existing education systems are far reaching, yet they are concrete steps that can be taken to work toward combating the cyclical and damaging nature of existing education systems or lack thereof. any institution international jurisdiction can and must answer to global education programs including early childhood in the case of programs. early so that education such as operation head start provides comprehensive health and education, and parent involvement to low-income families. providing technical skills and training to make individual valuable members of the workforce. sets educational programs can also be recognized for their economic dahlia. early sell their education as well as vocational training and educational opportunities are of viable and empowerment programs that must be instituted in a global context. education is a powerful thing and can be central and working t
territories or in afghanistan. and there's the mother apology hattie. he wrote the first book on global jihad. what the names of global jihad ways. and now it's also kind of interesting to me because there have been many, many books about 10 minutes writing writings and biographies and everything. but none of them mentioned margaret marcus amerian jameel. none of them talk about him as a father or it has been for a brother or son. marion's letters were all about his household and the way it was run. there seemed to be of benefit instead of looking at this man is this powerful political leader, which is how the academic scholars have written about him was to look at the politics of his household, which were much more complicated and unexpected than you would as soon, given his writings. i mean, miriam would be upset because his wife didn't always coming in now, wasn't always an instant purdah. she would say, why didn't you wear your veil to meet her brother and not quite she said, doesn't your husband get upset at that? she said you know, my husband is such a saint. he is so much patience for
in iraq and afghanistan. >> i speak out against the size of the u.s. military budget. we're spenting like 17 times as much as russia and china, and i think it's crazy. we have troops in 65 countries and bases all over the world. what do you think we are, the british empire 200 years ago? i mean, we don't make money off of that, and then they do better without us there. the last war we won was against japan. [applause] >> i'm it is true, you did speak out on it, but a lot of corporate executives, even when they are retired, not just corporate exec ties, but not one in the last election, i can't remember one other than from ohio -- >> that's your home state. >> i like him. the names are hard to pronounce. [laughter] but i think he was the one who spoke out against the size of the military budget. nobody spoke out against it. it's to the military industrial complex like eisenhower warned years ago has taken over the country basically. >> not just the military budget. you got retired, very wealthy business people. no one's going to be able to do anything to them. >> they got successful becaus
. and we're fighting these wars, three, $4 billion a week now in iraq, afghanistan. >> i speak out against the size of u.s. military budget. we're spending like 17 times as much as the next two biggest countries, russia and china, and i think it's crazy we have troops in 65 countries and bases all over the world. what do we think we are, the british empire to images ago? we don't make any money off that. and they do better without us there. the last war we won was against japan. [applause] >> okay, peter? i mean, it is true. you do speak out on it, but a lot of corporate executives, even when they are retired, not just corporate executives, congressman and centers, not wondering the last election that i cannot remember one except maybe the one from ohio. >> kucinich. thatcher hosted. they're both from ohio spent his name is hard to pronounce. but i think he was the only one that spoke out against the size of the military budget. nobody spoke out against it. it's true, the military-industrial complex like eisenhower warned us years ago has taken over the country basically spent not just the
Search Results 0 to 9 of about 10 (some duplicates have been removed)

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